NAXALISM

INTRODUCTION:

In 2004, during his Independence Day speech, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh admitted that the Naxalism was the “single biggest threat to India’s internal security” bypassing the more ostensible contenders like fundamental terrorism, insurgency movements and cross-border terrorism. In retrospect, this acknowledgement by the government is a positive step in itself.

Naxalism unlike other militant movements has the double dubious distinction of not being confined to either a single issue or to a single region. The significance of the problem of Naxalism cannot be overstated as it reflects deeper shortcomings of the socio-economic system itself. The birth, maintenance and inspiration for the movement are derived from the faulty structure of the socio-economic system.

BRIEF HISTORY OF THE NAXAL MOVEMENT:

The decade of the 1960’s will be remembered as one that sparked revolutions all over the globe. “There was music in the cafés at night and revolution in the air” . There were mass uprisings against the system in different parts of the World. France had its students and workers’ movement against the Charles de Gaulle govt, there was a cultural revolution in China, a Maoist led sociological repression, apart from the several communist guerrilla rebellions.

India too had her share with the spontaneous uprising of peasants in Naxalbari, a hitherto unknown small hamlet in West Bengal. This was largely due to oppressive land tenure system and the general economic backwardness of the masses that existed there. Though the seeds were sown in Telengana in 1948 in Andhra, the Naxalbari movement was the first concentrated communist revolutionary movement of the peasants against the state. Comrade Charu Mazumdar was at the forefront of the revolution and the mainstay of the movement in the initial years.

The ideology of naxalism soon assumed larger dimension and entire state units of CPI (M) in Uttar Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir and some sections in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh joined the struggle. The AICCCR was formed as the leading organization for the Naxalite movement. Then on it has been a story of violence, party splits, insurgency, counter-insurgency, more violence, more party splits, unification, etc.


SIGNIFICANCE OF THE NAXAL STRUGGLES:

It is a common mistake to label the Naxalites as just another terrorist group. There cannot be a greater folly. While possessing a completely different ideology, the Naxals stand out in terms of mode of operation and organizational structure. Other terrorists attack the Indian state at its strong points—its secularism, its inclusiveness, its democracy. Naxalism attacks where it is weakest: in delivering basic government services to those who need them most. The Naxalites do not threaten the government in Delhi, but they do have the power to deter investment and development in some of India's poorest regions, which also happen to be among the richest in some vital resources-notably iron and coal. So their movement itself has the effect of sharpening inequity, which many see as the biggest danger facing India in the next few years, and which is the Naxalites' recruiting sergeant.

Forty years after the Naxalbari uprising, it is remarkable that Maoism remains a potent political force. It has survived the disappearance of Maoism in the land of its origin and the collapse of the Soviet bloc. It has survived the retreat of the Left in academia and trade unions, which contributed to the rise of a middle class that was indifferent to politics in general and the Left in particular. It has survived the rise of caste, as opposed to class, politics.


IMPACT OF THE NAXALITE MOVEMENT ON INDIAN SOCIETY:

IMPACT ON THE ECONOMY:

The Maoists campaign against the government will have far-reaching consequences on India's stability and, most particularly, its energy security. It is an alarming fact that the Naxalite insurgency is strongest precisely in the areas with the richest natural resources, especially the coal that is the power behind the Indian economy.

The state of Chattisgarh is by far the worst effected with the Naxal problem and woefully, the state is generously endowed with rich minerals and other natural resources. Forest accounts for 46% of the total land area. Sal and teak are the main trees of the forests both of which have high economical value. Timber accounts for 40% of the total revenue from the forest sector. Chattisgarh is home to 28 varieties of major minerals including Bauxite, Garnet, Quartz, Aluminium, Diamond and Gold. In addition, the state produces all the tin ore in India and is renowned for having one of the best iron ore deposits the world over.

The Naxalites have a presence in almost half of India's 28 states, while in some of the poorer and most heavily tribal states, particularly Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Jharkand and West Bengal, they have turned into a political force to reckon with. These five states account for about 85% of India's coal resources, and continued disruption and deterioration of the political environment could lead to profound consequences for both India and its neighbours.

Coal is an important part of the Indian Economy as it accounts for about 55% of India's current primary energy supply and 75% of its electricity generation. A prolonged or excessively costly resource war in these states could cripple the economy and alter the global import balance if India has to look elsewhere for energy resources.

Naxalites frequently levy their own "taxes" on resource extraction in districts within their control while many ideological Naxalites are opposed to the development of additional coalmines and power plants at any price.

The Naxalite insurgency is creating hurdles in India’s economic growth story. Naxalite insurgency could not only hamper India’s economic growth but also restrict the in-flow of Foreign Direct Investment into the country.

Fear of being caught in the cross-fire between the Maoists and the state law officers has forced over 3000 villagers in the Naxal controlled region of Andhra Pradesh to refuse telephone connections. The villagers fear that they would be caught between the two warring parties if they apply for phone connections. Either the Maoists would suspect them of being police informers or the cops would label as Maoist sympathisers refusing to pass on information.

Intelligence sources estimate that roughly INR 40-50 crore is extorted by the PWG in Andhra Pradesh alone each year. Similarly, papers seized during special operations in the Garhwa-Palamau areas of Bihar provide evidence of enormous and organised financial operations in which targets and 'block budgets' are defined for each 'squad' of the MCC . Thus, one such squad had raised INR seven million in a single year. In addition, Naxalite squads exercise a monopolistic control over forest produce and government contracts in their areas of dominance, and also receive a substantial share of all development funding flowing into these areas. Moreover, the Naxalites also engage in, or control, significant levels of illegal economic activity, especially the illegal harvesting and smuggling of forest produce. This does not include the money spent on counter-insurgency operations by the govt as it is incalculable.

One has to remember that Naxalites are themselves, the cause and effect of economic backwardness and underdevelopment. While they rose to prominence with a view to develop the hitherto overlooked areas of India, they seem to be blocking all forms of developmental activity initiated by the govt in its vow to fight it. Thus, they systematically block infrastructure development (roads and telephones), stop industries and factories from being set up and finally protests against foreign investment in these areas, the general path of development taken by the GOI.


VIOLENCE AND MODUS OPERANDI:

Though the stream of Naxalite violence had been subdued during the 80’s, it has found a new vigour in the 90’s and post 2000. The Naxalites operate mostly in the interiors of the forests of the backward areas as previously mentioned. Apart from violence carried out on the developmental projects and energy projects, their other favourite target includes police stations.

Telephone exchanges are the second most favourite targets of the Maoists after police stations. A total of 270 exchanges have been attacked so far with Andhra Pradesh accounting for 265. The damage caused by these attacks ranges anywhere from Rs.30,000 to Rs. 50 lakh. Each time the Maoists attack a telephone exchange, they not only succeed in cutting off all lines of communication but also scare people about the repercussions of using these utilities.

Some of the deadliest Maoist attacks in the past 5 years:

•An attack on ex-CM Janardhan Reddy in 2007 and on TDP chief Chandrababu Naidu in 2003.
•2004: Over 1000 Maoists looted over 2000 sophisticated guns worth Rs 50 crore.
•Jehanabad Jail-break (2005), involving the freeing of over 375 prisoners and looting 200 rifles and freed 40 prisoners in Orissa in 2006 and again 303 in Chhatisgarh in 2007.
•2006: Attack on relief camp in Chhatisgarh, killing 25, kidnapping 20.
•2007: Attack on police outpost in Chhatisgarh killing 55 security personnel, looted weapons.
•2008: Attack on police outposts and training camps in Orissa, killing 45 security personnel and looting over crores of Rs worth ammunition.

Now, I shall proceed to make a closer examination of the particular causes behind the Naxal movement in the Indian context.

Overall, the Naxalite challenge rests upon the issues of agrarian transformation, tribal people's rights, the nationality movement and resisting imperialism and globalisation. All this adds up to what they characterise as the people's democratic revolution to change the very character of the Indian state. Because of the issues they pursue, the Naxalites have a social base, which sustains them despite a variety of repressive measures pursued by the state.

The reasons for the Naxals' success are fairly straightforward. Naxals flourish where there are huge disparities in assets and incomes, and where injustice and violence by the privileged are rampant. “The Naxal movement is irrepressible because it draws sustenance from the grievances of the people which have not be addressed by the government”

We are all quite familiar with the plight of the average tiller who works on an Absentee landlord’s lands for pittance of a pay for his labour. All the hitherto sufferers of the oppressive Zamindhari and land tenure system of Indian society are sympathizers of the Naxal cause mainly due to the fact that the Naxals are sympathizers to theirs.

While, economic backwardness are some of the primary causes, Naxalism is as much a crisis of political empowerment. It is hardly surprising that Naxal influence is strongest in tribal India. Tribals, more than any other oppressed category, have got nothing out of the Indian state, before or after globalisation. The Indian state has always taken land alienation of tribals for granted, as one of the consequences of 'progress' that must be put up with owing to a skewed pattern of land distribution, tribals and Dalits are at the receiving end of the land- owning castes. However, they do not possess adequate political resources (power) to be able to fight for their cause, which is a classical example of Bachrach and Baratz second dimension of power.

In addition, a contractor-politician nexus controls the wealth of the forests and pushes tribals to the margins. A repressive state apparatus, represented by the police and the black laws they use to their advantage, helps keep this exploitative system going.

With the opening up of the Indian economy to trade and investment, the entry of mining companies in Orissa and Chhattisgarh poses a threat to the livelihood of tribals and their way of life. Naxalites are among those — though not the only, or even main, political force — who are with the tribals in this context. Even as their adherence to violence cannot be condoned, it is no worse than the violence of the state and oppressive forces in the region.

The entry of MNCs is doing no good to the oppressed duo (dalits and tribals) either. FDIs, MNCs and giant private corporate houses all want a share of the rich natural resources that rural India is endowed with. While they are pushing indiscriminately and a more than willing state apparatus to please them, the effect on their entry on the indigenous population is oft forgotten. The only recourse the tribals have, it seems, is to join the Naxals.


GOVERNAMENTAL FAILURE:

The govt is definitely a top contender to take a part of the blame for the current problem. This is not to be construed as the govt being the main culpable for the problem. Instead, it reflects the govt’s failure to handle the bad situation in a better fashion, thus, making things worse. A series of faulty policy measures or plain incompetence has left the discontent groups at worse stages.

To start with, it was the failure of the govt machinery in its policy of land reforms. Land reforms were never seriously implemented. Ceiling on land holdings was treated as a joke by the rich landlords, who could easily evade the laws. Consolidation of land holding and tenancy reforms was an utter failure. Co-operative farming, micro-finance, rural credit, and a whole array of such well-intentioned schemes never saw the light of the day. Land acquisition for industrialization and a horrible record of implementing R&R packages are other factors aggravating the problem. In brief, the govt utterly failed in addressing the problems of the rural poor who form a bulk of the Indian population.

One of the costliest mistakes of the govt was to treat the Naxalite problem as a mere ‘law and order’ problem, failing to recognise the underlying socio-economic tones. The waves of rebellion and revolution was sustained mainly due to the fact that the govt continued to look the other way when it came to matters of developing the really underdeveloped regions of the country. Since, it was treated as a law and order problem, the govt adopted a battery of repressive measures which only contributed to make matters worse. It increased state spending on paramilitary forces, special task police, and ordinary police to try to repress the movement. Violence cannot be solved with counter-violence. The repression only infuriated the naxals more and resulted in fresh violence. It was nothing short of an all out war between the state and the rebel forces, overlooking the heavy toll it took on citizen’s lives, property and peaceful existence.

Banning the organizations was the other costly mistake. This resulted in denying the necessary political space, which otherwise might, perhaps, have led the rebels to seek justice within the constitutional provisions. In addition, the label of being a banned organization shed the naxalites of all responsibility towards a responsible approach.

Perhaps, one of the most juvenile and puerile course of action that the govt took was to employ the Salwa-Judum, counter insurgency movement. Though govt officials claim that it was a spontaneous uprising by the tribals against the naxals, the neutral NGO reports speak otherwise. The govt accepted, coerced and seduced the tribals into becoming armed groups to fight Naxals.

The Naxalite problem recently got aggravated because of the Indian state's withdrawal from public services, leading to their near-collapse, and the growing illegitimacy of governance in many regions, coupled with massive corruption. This has led to failing states in many parts of India. Agrarian distress, growing unemployment, and depredations of the forester-contractor mafia, have intensified popular discontent. As has unequal globalisation.


SOLUTIONS:

Obviously, because of the multitude of causes and the multifarious manifestations of the problem, there cannot possibly be a single solution. Instead, the govt should try and attack the problem at the cause itself. Mentioning the causes which have to be attacked would be unnecessary but it has to be noted that the alleviation of poverty and amelioration of socio-economic backwardness seems to be the instant mantra for any sort of reprise. The govt should learn from its own experience, both positive and negative. For instance, in the late 70s, the West Bengal govt carried out land reform schemes extensively in Naxal affected areas. This led to the disappearance of the movement and the creation of happy and a new wealthy peasant class. Notice how there is no mention of Naxal activities in Naxalbari, the birthplace of the movement. Land reforms and tribal rights have to be implemented!
Excessive spending on the armed forces is definitely not the solution, but for the short run, the govt should upgrade its armed personnel in terms of training and weaponry so that the police do not find themselves in a situation where they are as scared as the next ordinary citizen.

Moreover, the govt should give the Naxals a democratic space for self-expression and encouraging them to come overground. This was a success in Andhra Pradesh in the 80s and recently in 2004, when peace talks were held.

While these are the basic solutions, I would like to mention that the latest govt report on the Naxals is definitely a step in the right direction. It has pinpointed many causes for previous lapses and offers many novel solutions based on a good understanding of the problem. Though it will be useless to repeat what the report says, it is however, necessary to mention that implementation is the key.


CONCLUSION:
Now that we know that the situation of the oppressed classes is bad and that the govt has done nothing, we must ask the inevitable question – Was the Naxals of any use? What did they achieve?

The story of the Naxalite movement on the ground certainly has had beautiful aspects and inspiring moments. The Naxalite movement has been a significant political movement of our times. Politically, the movement has raised important questions regarding India's democracy and underlined the need to bring about "a people's democracy". There have also been significant practical achievements in specific areas: curbing of feudal practices and social oppression; confiscation and redistribution of ceiling surplus land; more equitable access to village commons; higher agricultural wages; elimination of the stranglehold of landlords, moneylenders, and contractors; protection from harassment by forest department officials and the police; heightened political consciousness and empowerment of the poor, amongst others.

The question remains whether the same results could not have been achieved through non-violent or at least less violent means. The use of indiscriminate violence has taken a heavy toll and has negated what the Naxals stood for.

On the other hand, like a lot of other cultural and social revolutions in the world, Naxalism too has slowly diluted into petty wars, quick materialistic gains and a taste for violence. The Naxal ideology serves as an excellent platform for unemployed, uneducated youth to extort, kidnap, use violence and ultimately feel the power of taking others’ lives. I wonder if the newly recruited youth, who are attracted mainly by a steady wage promised by the naxals, a secure shelter, supply of arms, etc, still remember the slogans of the Naxalbari uprising, or the cause for which Charu Mozumdar gave his life to, or what Marx really meant by armed resistance and false consciousness.

Ultimately, because of either the govt or the Naxals or the perpetual war between the two, it is the common person who suffers. India still has a long way to go before it can reach and solve the root causes of such problems.